You only have to pick up a newspaper to feel that there is some kind of war of persecution going on towards the youth of this nation. In the last week Labour’s Rachel Reeves announced that she believes older people who have worked for many years deserve higher benefits than young claimants which seems strange for a party that believes in equality. While David Cameron has announced that Young people out of work, education or training for six months will have to do unpaid community work to get benefits.
Young people are three times more likely to be unemployed than the rest of the population. The number of people aged 16-24 who are not in full-time education or employment has increased by 8,000 over the last quarter. With 498,000 in that age group without a job. Their unemployment rate is 14.4%, while the overall unemployment rate now stands at 5.7% of the total working population.
So why do our politicians seem to systematically create policy to disadvantage young people. In the last government we have seen the Introduction of top up fees for university; cutting of education budgets; reducing funds for children’s centres and ending the child trust fund. Working age benefits have been capped, child benefit to be means tested the list goes on. They have even changed the voting system to individually register voters has a disproportionate impact on more transient young people. If the was a generational ladder to raise this government has well and truly tucked it out of reach, locked it up and thrown away the key.
This ‘conspiracy’ against the youth is further compounded by an obvious bias towards policies that benefit older generations. To contrast we have seen the pensioner bond scheme extended; early access to annuities and the triple lock on pensions kept. While the winter fuel benefit which is surely the most obvious of low hanging cuts to make is left untouched. All this is further compounded by a back drop of rising house prices.
It is not difficult to argue that the political establishment seems to favours the old. But it is difficult to understand why the youth don’t react. The reason I believe is this happens over relatively long periods of time. Cuts are disproportionately impacting on young people but the collective impact is never clear. This drip drip drip of policy announcement is leading to increase levels of voter apathy and declining levels of voting. Leaving a sense of ‘What has politics ever done for us’ in the youth of today.
Figures show that 51.8% of those aged 18-24 and 57.3% of those aged 25-34 voted in the 2010 General Election. Contrast that with the pensioners: 74.7% of those over 65 voted in the same election. And the gap has grown. In 1992, 67% of those aged 18-24 and 77% of those aged 25-34 could be bothered to turn out, against 79% over 65 years.
Political parties are finding it difficult to develop policies with broad based appeal. Politicians are looking to the advertising industry to benefit from increase in advances in audience segmentation to target policies at voting audiences then coupled with focus groups to test them. This consumerist approach to selecting policies is only leading to the increase in this apparent intergenerational conflict. With restricted budgets for new policies, political parties want to target audiences with the highest potential to turn them to votes. This consumerist approach is only going to further fragmentation voters and alienate youth.
If we move beyond traditional political loyalties, this is not a problem for parties of the right as older people are more supportive of their policies. For example, to cap immigration or resist liberal cultural changes towards homosexuality and are generally more sceptical about Europe. However, younger people are way more receptive for progressive polices, socially liberal and support policies such as same sex marriage. The problem for the political parties is that the generational divide coincides with divisions over the socio-cultural and economic evolution of Britain over the last forty years.
Historically this worked well for the Lib Dems whose growing support base mapped a progressive view who found support in their youth and remained loyal through the 90s up to 2010. Much of this support base has been eroded during their time in the coalition due to support for policies liker tuition fees and support for the Tories programme of austerity. The Greens are now well positioned to benefit from this failure of trust. It also explains the Lib Dems decision to target soft conservative votes not progressive left in the upcoming election.
Labour and Tories will continue to be torn between long term decline in core vote and short term appeal to core older votes. Disproportionately opting for policies to keeping older generations happy. For UKIP this is a no brainer in demographic terms as their policies attract the old and drive away the young.
Labour has focused on the cost of living crisis and trying to find policies where the economic problems of different generations converge. This does not deal with the existing inequality as to do so would upset older generations of core vote. The Conservatives who appear to be following a core vote policy which is disproportionately older and of people of higher economic mobility which means short term intergenerational issues are irrelevant.
Conservatives focus on the ‘civilising effect’ of people ability to invest in property. Low interest rates help people with getting on the housing ladder but also make saving within any age group difficult. Access to pension annuities means older people are more likely to invest in property which helps increase house prices but means more houses available for rent and more competition to buy. If you have money you can still make more.
So what would policies to reverse this need to do? There is a classic redistribution approach like introducing higher council tax bands or mansion tax to help incentivise house building while look for ways to support renters such as rent caps. This will help some young get on the housing ladder and take from older people who dominate UK household capital wealth.
Real structural changes need to happen. As long as young people fail to get adequate training and more and better jobs; they are struggling to pay rent and get on the housing ladder; nothing will change. Long-term commitment to the state pension will help build confidence. Removal of the winter fuel payment will help giving to local government to fund more targeted services for fuel poor or grants for householders to use local companies to deliver high quality insulation programmes. Maybe even this could be done instead of quantative easing.
What the disadvantaged youth really need is targeted services, more skills and training and a government that is really committed to future proofing policies and investing in young people. Double paternity leave is a good start, increasing minimum wage is good but a living wage would be better as would free childcare so parents can afford to work.
It looks unlikely that this polarisation will end soon without any major rebalancing of fairness between generations proposed by any party. Instead this division will continue to drive fragmentation of British politics and present opportunities for smaller parties. The Greens are building their appeal with young, socially liberal, well-educated voters struggling within the British economy. At the other end, UKIP is winning older, socially conservative, less educated voters across England
So what am I looking for in manifestos? – Obviously a strong focus on climate and the environment which evidently aims to address intergenerational equity. I would like to see the same for social policy with some of the above policies mentioned. I am still waiting to see a political party with an economics plan that will also deliver truly long term sustainable economy rebalanced not just geographically but also intergenerationally.